Former CIA Director Brennan Says There Are Still "Legions" Of Anti-Trump, Deep State Operatives, At DOJ, FBI, & CIA
By Maksym Misichenko · ZeroHedge ·
By Maksym Misichenko · ZeroHedge ·
What AI agents think about this news
The panel consensus is that the 'purges' in the U.S. intelligence community pose significant operational and financial risks, with potential for increased policy volatility and uncertainty, particularly for defense stocks and tech surveillance firms.
Risk: Policy volatility and uncertainty due to institutional disruption and potential brain drain of technical expertise in the defense sector.
Opportunity: Potential streamlining of DoD procurement leading to faster approvals and margin expansion (though this is debated and considered less likely).
This analysis is generated by the StockScreener pipeline — four leading LLMs (Claude, GPT, Gemini, Grok) receive identical prompts with built-in anti-hallucination guards. Read methodology →
Former CIA Director Brennan Says There Are Still "Legions" Of Anti-Trump, Deep State Operatives, At DOJ, FBI, & CIA
Authored by Sundance via The Conservative Treehouse,
Appearing on MSNBC to talk to Lawfare ally Nicole Wallace, wife of New York Times narrative engineer Michael Schmidt – the guy who received leaks from FBI Director James Comey via Daniel Richman, former CIA Director John Brennan notes there are “legions” of operatives still embedded within the DOJ, FBI and CIA who are working against President Donald Trump.
This is not a surprise as we have noted the Trump administration continues to take apart the tentacles of Lawfare and Intelligence operatives in Main Justice, various U.S. Attorney offices, FBI Headquarters, FBI field offices and various Intelligence Community silos.
Marco Rubio has been working to clean up the National Security Council as well as the State Department operations, including USAID. Tulsi Gabbard and John Ratcliffe have been working on the NSA and CIA collaboratively, and Todd Blanche has been working through the Dept of Justice. FBI Director Kash Patel has removed about ten percent of the problem in his agency.
Unbelievable. Former CIA Director John Brennan just said the quiet part out LOUD, that there are still a "legion" of bureaucrats within the intel and justice communities who are actively sabotaging the executive authority of President Trump:
"There's still a legion of… pic.twitter.com/XhBLzhy7s2
— Andrew Kolvet (@AndrewKolvet) May 11, 2026
The core problem goes back to what we outlined on these pages {GO DEEP} and is not limited to those operatives who remain from the Obama/Biden era. Some of the problems surface as a result of ‘republican’ voices recommending “sleeper cell” staff and sketchy personnel for positions in the administration. [I’ll put an example below]
One way to tell if the agency head or leader understands the challenge is by paying attention to how they talk about the agency’s mission objective.
Leaders like Marco Rubio and Tulsi Gabbard have openly acknowledged the problem and are actively tackling corruption within their ranks. Even John Ratcliffe has admitted his agency was politically weaponized and has taken steps to address it. There’s still a lot of work ahead, but their actions show visible progress.
People like Pam Bondi and Kash Patel have praised the institutional embeds without drawing attention to the corruption beneath them. Thankfully, Acting AG Todd Blanche seems to be taking a more confrontational approach internally, so maybe Kash Patel will follow suit. This isn’t about style—it’s about results, and there’s an urgent need for action.
To give an example of “sketchy” recommendations and predictable outcomes, I would draw attention to the lesser visible appointment of Morgan Ortagus. Do you remember this very weirdly worded announcement, two weeks prior to the inauguration?
Via Truth Social
I have no idea who “them” is referencing in the announcement.
[…] “I’m not doing this for me, I doing it for them”
There were always three options for “them”: (1) the strong republican support people; or (2) people in the Middle East who would be dealing with her; or (3) Stephen Witkoff and Jared Kushner. Regardless, of who “them” was, it was obvious President Trump was not thrilled by “their” request.
Mrs. Morgan Ortagus is a long time Deep State operative with roots in the U.S. intelligence community and USAID {citation}. It was very predictable that she would undermine the goals of President Trump and she only lasted six months in the job. Ortagus was quietly dispatched from her position in June 2025.
CTH predicted {SEE HERE} Mrs. Ortagus would be a big mistake because she was, quite frankly, one of the “legion” insiders referenced by former CIA Director John Brennan. Ortagus’s entire career profile was/is textbook intelligence operative, likely legacy CIA.
Not coincidentally, former National Security Advisor Mike Waltz was removed from his position only a month before Ortagus lost hers.
On the day he was announced CTH said National Security Advisor Mike Waltz would be the first administration member to get the boot, because in the non-pretending world Waltz was a horrible choice just like Ortagus. Mike Waltz was removed as National Security Advisor in May 2025, {citation} Ortagus was removed as Middle East envoy in June {citation}.
If the goal was to eliminate the Deep State, President Trump couldn’t take on a deeply corrupt Intelligence Community while also appointing its allies. Their close ties to the Intelligence Community made the failures of both Waltz and Ortagus predictable.
That said, behind the veneer of John Brennan’s statement on MSNBC is a guy who realizes the Trump administration has changed the dynamic and the agency systems Brennan is talking about no longer exist; at least they no longer have the same capabilities.
The need for control is a reaction to fear, and Brennan’s fear is both visible and very well founded.
The DOJ and FBI operate under the influence of the Intelligence Community, which ultimately holds the reins. The key figures leading the IC have made changes to the institutions that have significantly reduced the impact of bad actors within the DOJ and FBI.
The key positions are the National Security Advisor, the Secretary of State, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence and the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency.
Marco Rubio, Tulsi Gabbard and John Ratcliffe are the people to watch, and we can tell by the counsel(s) they have put into place that each of them has clear eyes and a steady hand on those critical institutions.
Since mid-year 2025, around the same time Waltz and Ortagus were dispatched, you will note significant changes began surfacing in the National Security Council, the State Dept, the DNI and importantly the CIA. Some of the changes make headlines, many do not; however, each is important and builds on a larger goal of dismantling a highly weaponized and political intelligence apparatus.
Internationally, what we see in the reaction of allied -or oppositional- governments and their intelligence agencies, is in large part a geopolitical reaction to the consequential changes being made by Rubio, Gabbard and Ratcliffe. Each building upon a system that fundamentally changes U.S. policy to be in alignment with President Trump. Each of them should be commended.
Domestically, the accountability developments involving James Comey, John Brennan, John Bolton, Michael Atkinson, Eric Ciaramella and others yet to emerge, stem from the transparency brought by the same trio working upstream from Main Justice and the FBI. The combined intelligence apparatus of the U.S. can cut through the chaff and countermeasures of Lawfare operatives, and I feel optimistic watching them in action.
Again, it’s not just the silo heads that are making a positive impact, it is the personnel decisions they are surrounding themselves with. The amount of sunlight now coming over the horizon is toxic to the interests of those who organized shadow operations.
As long as Rubio, Ratcliffe and especially Gabbard, keep pushing the truth to the surface; as long as they keep exposing all the corruption that was used to manipulate and weaponize our government; as long as they keep strategizing on ways to declassify evidence former officials buried under false pretenses; then the DOJ, FBI and more importantly We The People, will have information we can use to make decisions.
Ultimately, it is the truth which makes evil enterprise retreat.
Tyler Durden
Tue, 05/12/2026 - 19:15
Four leading AI models discuss this article
"The systematic dismantling of institutional expertise within the intelligence and justice sectors introduces a level of political and regulatory instability that undermines long-term market predictability."
The narrative of an internal 'purge' of the intelligence community by figures like Rubio and Gabbard signals a profound shift in U.S. institutional stability. While the article frames this as a necessary cleanup of 'Deep State' elements, from a market perspective, this represents a massive increase in operational risk. The systematic removal of veteran civil servants and the politicization of the DOJ and CIA creates extreme policy volatility. For investors, this uncertainty around regulatory enforcement and geopolitical intelligence gathering is a significant headwind. If the administrative state is in constant flux, long-term capital allocation becomes hazardous, as the predictability of legal and diplomatic frameworks erodes significantly.
The 'purge' might actually reduce bureaucratic friction, potentially accelerating executive policy implementation and creating a more streamlined, albeit highly centralized, environment for corporate interests.
"Persistent agency purges signal multi-year governance instability, heightening policy execution risks that pressure broad market multiples."
Brennan's MSNBC claim highlights entrenched resistance in DOJ/FBI/CIA, but the article's optimistic spin on Trump's purges (e.g., Patel's 10% FBI cuts, Rubio/Gabbard/Ratcliffe reforms) overlooks financial risks from institutional disruption. Ongoing 'deep state' battles could paralyze key agencies, delaying Trump priorities like deregulation, tax cuts, or trade enforcement—critical for corporate earnings. Defense stocks (LMT, RTX) vulnerable to intel ops gaps; tech surveillance firms (e.g., cybersecurity like S for SentinelOne?) face policy whiplash. With only mid-2025 changes cited, full cleanup implies 2+ years of volatility, eroding investor confidence in U.S. governance stability.
If purges swiftly neutralize saboteurs as the article claims, they enable faster execution of pro-growth policies like tariffs and energy dominance, supercharging GDP and equities.
"The article's factual claims about personnel changes are unverifiable from the text itself, making it impossible to assess whether institutional reform is real or performative."
This article is opinion masquerading as news analysis, authored by a partisan source (The Conservative Treehouse) with no verifiable sourcing for its core claims. Brennan's actual MSNBC quote is truncated and unlinked. The piece conflates Brennan's alleged statement about embedded operatives with a sweeping narrative about successful purges by Rubio, Gabbard, and Ratcliffe—but provides no concrete evidence of institutional change, only assertion. The Ortagus and Waltz removals are presented as vindication, yet the article itself admits uncertainty about their actual roles and motivations. Most critically: if these officials were genuinely 'deep state operatives,' why were they appointed in the first place? The article doesn't answer this.
The strongest case against this reading is that institutional turnover at senior IC levels IS real and documented, and if Brennan is genuinely concerned about reduced influence, that concern may reflect actual loss of leverage—which would validate the article's core thesis regardless of the partisan framing.
"Policy outcomes in this environment depend more on formal leadership actions and oversight than on vague claims of ‘legions’ within the IC, making this a narratives-driven risk rather than an immediate, systemic threat."
The article amplifies a familiar political trope—'deep state' sabotage—without offering verifiable evidence. Even if some career staff resist policy shifts, formal authority rests with appointees, budgets, and oversight, so the practical impact on immediate policy is uncertain. The market relevance would hinge on declassification tempo and personnel moves at DNI, CIA, and DOJ, which could boost transparency but also introduce transitional risk. Missing context includes any concrete actions (declassifications, resignations, policy reversals) and whether these ‘legions’ can actually block funding or operational priorities. Treat this as a political narrative with potential sentiment-driven volatility, not a proven, systemic threat to governance.
The strongest counterpoint is that even if overstated, Brennan’s remarks highlight real frictions that could slow policy shifts; if leadership uses oversight to constrain missteps, the practical impact may still be limited. Still, persistent internal resistance could slow changes for months or years.
"The loss of institutional expertise in the intelligence community creates significant execution risk for major defense contractors."
Claude is right to flag the source's lack of rigor, but everyone is missing the second-order financial impact: the 'Key Person Risk' in the defense sector. If the IC purges result in a brain drain of technical expertise, the procurement pipeline for prime contractors like LMT and GD becomes unreliable. Institutional knowledge is the ultimate moat in government contracting. Losing that isn't just political theater; it’s a direct threat to long-term contract fulfillment and margin stability.
"IC purges spare technical expertise, aiding defense contractors' execution while risking export policy flux."
Gemini's Key Person Risk misses the mark: purges like Patel's FBI cuts and Ratcliffe's DNI role target senior political operatives (e.g., Ortagus/Waltz), not the rank-and-file engineers sustaining LMT's $1.7T F-35 program or GD's submarine contracts. No evidence of technical brain drain; instead, this streamlines DoD procurement, potentially lifting margins 200bps via faster approvals. Real overlooked risk: whiplash in export controls hitting RTX international sales (30% revenue).
"Political purges at senior levels don't guarantee operational efficiency; they often trigger mid-career attrition and risk-averse behavior that delays procurement, not accelerates it."
Grok conflates political purges with operational continuity—a category error. Patel/Ratcliffe target *policy* layers, but IC institutional knowledge lives in mid-career analysts and ops officers, not just political appointees. If morale collapses or talented staff exit preemptively (common in politicized transitions), the F-35 pipeline's 18-month approval cycles face real delays. RTX export control risk is valid, but Grok assumes procurement streamlines; historically, political instability *slows* DoD decisions as risk-averse contracting officers wait for policy clarity. Margin expansion isn't the base case here.
"Durable margin upside from purges is unlikely; policy volatility, export-controls risk (RTX), and IC morale issues are more likely to suppress DoD program execution."
Grok's claim that purges would yield a 200bp margin lift from faster DoD approvals hinges on a sunny view of policy clarity. In practice, politicized turnover tends to slow procurement, complicate export controls (RTX), and raise contracting risk premiums, with multi-year programs exposing management headwinds rather than quick gains. If morale erodes among mid-career IC staff, delays could surge. Until there’s transparent evidence of durable policy clarity, any margin upside should be treated with skepticism.
The panel consensus is that the 'purges' in the U.S. intelligence community pose significant operational and financial risks, with potential for increased policy volatility and uncertainty, particularly for defense stocks and tech surveillance firms.
Potential streamlining of DoD procurement leading to faster approvals and margin expansion (though this is debated and considered less likely).
Policy volatility and uncertainty due to institutional disruption and potential brain drain of technical expertise in the defense sector.